Wrought Iron The Commercial Pure Iron}

Filed Under (Outdoor Furniture) by Tud95B on 20-07-2017

Wrought iron the commercial pure iron

by

Andrew Cooper

Wrought iron is historically known commercial pure iron. Decorative iron, more commonly called Wrought iron or ornamental iron is pure iron that is mixed with a small percentage of slag, which is the byproduct of smelting ore to purify metal. Wrought iron is valued for strength under tensile pressure, resistance to corrosion, malleability, and how well it keeps a finish. Most metals, when corroding, exhibit ugly patches of discolored rust. But wrought iron distributes the rust into a beautiful dappled coppery or brownish finish that appeals to people’s sense of age. A high-quality iron mixed with glasslike slag to make it more malleable and resistant to corrosion than other types of iron: usually formed into strips that can be welded together.

Wrought iron is commercial iron that has little use today and has been replaced by mild steel. It was commonly produced by the puddling process. The temperatures employed in its production are too low to render its fluid, it is heated until it forms a pasty mass then it is squeezed or forged. Wrought iron has been in use since the earliest days of civilization. The long-standing appeal of wrought iron comes from its natural and honest character. Having fabulous continuity, wrought iron is currently becoming very popular. It strikes the buyers because of its capability to recall far away ages. Wrought iron can be considered as an epitome that exists in every culture. In the past, weapons and ploughs have been made out of iron.

Wrought iron is unlike cast, in that it is not brittle, and seldom breaks. For this reason, wrought ironwork is frequently far more delicate, although years of paint can obscure this. The metal can be artfully used to create beautiful, classic and contemporary handcrafted designs in its range of products that are comfortable, decorative and highly durable. Until the very end of the eighteenth century, sections of wrought iron were derived by forging of billets by hand or water power; this resulted in a more or less uneven surface texture and very sharp corners. Wrought Iron helps bring about a very stylish and contemporary look to the decor.

Advantage of wrought iron when compared with many other materials is the ease of maintenance. Wrought iron candle holders are perfect home decorations because they add class and life to a home. Candle holders add beauty and style. It is just fitting to known that wrought iron candle holders are more important than any other decorations at home. Historical uses during the middle of nineteenth became more structural and during seventeenth and eighteenth century were typically decorative. There are many home decorative items made from wrought iron for indoor and outdoor decoration function.

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}

G20 protests: Inside a labour march

Filed Under (Uncategorized) by Tud95B on 20-07-2017

Wikinews accredited reporter Killing Vector traveled to the G-20 2009 summit protests in London with a group of protesters. This is his personal account.

Friday, April 3, 2009

London – “Protest”, says Ross Saunders, “is basically theatre”.

It’s seven a.m. and I’m on a mini-bus heading east on the M4 motorway from Cardiff toward London. I’m riding with seventeen members of the Cardiff Socialist Party, of which Saunders is branch secretary for the Cardiff West branch; they’re going to participate in a march that’s part of the protests against the G-20 meeting.

Before we boarded the minibus Saunders made a speech outlining the reasons for the march. He said they were “fighting for jobs for young people, fighting for free education, fighting for our share of the wealth, which we create.” His anger is directed at the government’s response to the economic downturn: “Now that the recession is underway, they’ve been trying to shoulder more of the burden onto the people, and onto the young people…they’re expecting us to pay for it.” He compared the protest to the Jarrow March and to the miners’ strikes which were hugely influential in the history of the British labour movement. The people assembled, though, aren’t miners or industrial workers — they’re university students or recent graduates, and the march they’re going to participate in is the Youth Fight For Jobs.

The Socialist Party was formerly part of the Labour Party, which has ruled the United Kingdom since 1997 and remains a member of the Socialist International. On the bus, Saunders and some of his cohorts — they occasionally, especially the older members, address each other as “comrade” — explains their view on how the split with Labour came about. As the Third Way became the dominant voice in the Labour Party, culminating with the replacement of Neil Kinnock with Tony Blair as party leader, the Socialist cadre became increasingly disaffected. “There used to be democratic structures, political meetings” within the party, they say. The branch meetings still exist but “now, they passed a resolution calling for renationalisation of the railways, and they [the party leadership] just ignored it.” They claim that the disaffection with New Labour has caused the party to lose “half its membership” and that people are seeking alternatives. Since the economic crisis began, Cardiff West’s membership has doubled, to 25 members, and the RMT has organized itself as a political movement running candidates in the 2009 EU Parliament election. The right-wing British National Party or BNP is making gains as well, though.

Talk on the bus is mostly political and the news of yesterday’s violence at the G-20 demonstrations, where a bank was stormed by protesters and 87 were arrested, is thick in the air. One member comments on the invasion of a RBS building in which phone lines were cut and furniture was destroyed: “It’s not very constructive but it does make you smile.” Another, reading about developments at the conference which have set France and Germany opposing the UK and the United States, says sardonically, “we’re going to stop all the squabbles — they’re going to unite against us. That’s what happens.” She recounts how, in her native Sweden during the Second World War, a national unity government was formed among all major parties, and Swedish communists were interned in camps, while Nazi-leaning parties were left unmolested.

In London around 11am the march assembles on Camberwell Green. About 250 people are here, from many parts of Britain; I meet marchers from Newcastle, Manchester, Leicester, and especially organized-labor stronghold Sheffield. The sky is grey but the atmosphere is convivial; five members of London’s Metropolitan Police are present, and they’re all smiling. Most marchers are young, some as young as high school age, but a few are older; some teachers, including members of the Lewisham and Sheffield chapters of the National Union of Teachers, are carrying banners in support of their students.

Gordon Brown’s a Tory/He wears a Tory hat/And when he saw our uni fees/He said ‘I’ll double that!’

Stewards hand out sheets of paper with the words to call-and-response chants on them. Some are youth-oriented and education-oriented, like the jaunty “Gordon Brown‘s a Tory/He wears a Tory hat/And when he saw our uni fees/He said ‘I’ll double that!'” (sung to the tune of the Lonnie Donegan song “My Old Man’s a Dustman“); but many are standbys of organized labour, including the infamous “workers of the world, unite!“. It also outlines the goals of the protest, as “demands”: “The right to a decent job for all, with a living wage of at least £8 and hour. No to cheap labour apprenticeships! for all apprenticeships to pay at least the minimum wage, with a job guaranteed at the end. No to university fees. support the campaign to defeat fees.” Another steward with a megaphone and a bright red t-shirt talks the assembled protesters through the basics of call-and-response chanting.

Finally the march gets underway, traveling through the London boroughs of Camberwell and Southwark. Along the route of the march more police follow along, escorting and guiding the march and watching it carefully, while a police van with flashing lights clears the route in front of it. On the surface the atmosphere is enthusiastic, but everyone freezes for a second as a siren is heard behind them; it turns out to be a passing ambulance.

Crossing Southwark Bridge, the march enters the City of London, the comparably small but dense area containing London’s financial and economic heart. Although one recipient of the protesters’ anger is the Bank of England, the march does not stop in the City, only passing through the streets by the London Exchange. Tourists on buses and businessmen in pinstripe suits record snippets of the march on their mobile phones as it passes them; as it goes past a branch of HSBC the employees gather at the glass store front and watch nervously. The time in the City is brief; rather than continue into the very centre of London the march turns east and, passing the Tower of London, proceeds into the poor, largely immigrant neighbourhoods of the Tower Hamlets.

The sun has come out, and the spirits of the protesters have remained high. But few people, only occasional faces at windows in the blocks of apartments, are here to see the march and it is in Wapping High Street that I hear my first complaint from the marchers. Peter, a steward, complains that the police have taken the march off its original route and onto back streets where “there’s nobody to protest to”. I ask how he feels about the possibility of violence, noting the incidents the day before, and he replies that it was “justified aggression”. “We don’t condone it but people have only got certain limitations.”

There’s nobody to protest to!

A policeman I ask is very polite but noncommittal about the change in route. “The students are getting the message out”, he says, so there’s no problem. “Everyone’s very well behaved” in his assessment and the atmosphere is “very positive”. Another protestor, a sign-carrying university student from Sheffield, half-heartedly returns the compliment: today, she says, “the police have been surprisingly unridiculous.”

The march pauses just before it enters Cable Street. Here, in 1936, was the site of the Battle of Cable Street, and the march leader, addressing the protesters through her megaphone, marks the moment. She draws a parallel between the British Union of Fascists of the 1930s and the much smaller BNP today, and as the protesters follow the East London street their chant becomes “The BNP tell racist lies/We fight back and organise!”

In Victoria Park — “The People’s Park” as it was sometimes known — the march stops for lunch. The trade unions of East London have organized and paid for a lunch of hamburgers, hot dogs, french fries and tea, and, picnic-style, the marchers enjoy their meals as organized labor veterans give brief speeches about industrial actions from a small raised platform.

A demonstration is always a means to and end.

During the rally I have the opportunity to speak with Neil Cafferky, a Galway-born Londoner and the London organizer of the Youth Fight For Jobs march. I ask him first about why, despite being surrounded by red banners and quotes from Karl Marx, I haven’t once heard the word “communism” used all day. He explains that, while he considers himself a Marxist and a Trotskyist, the word communism has negative connotations that would “act as a barrier” to getting people involved: the Socialist Party wants to avoid the discussion of its position on the USSR and disassociate itself from Stalinism. What the Socialists favor, he says, is “democratic planned production” with “the working class, the youths brought into the heart of decision making.”

On the subject of the police’s re-routing of the march, he says the new route is actually the synthesis of two proposals. Originally the march was to have gone from Camberwell Green to the Houses of Parliament, then across the sites of the 2012 Olympics and finally to the ExCel Centre. The police, meanwhile, wanted there to be no march at all.

The Metropolitan Police had argued that, with only 650 trained traffic officers on the force and most of those providing security at the ExCel Centre itself, there simply wasn’t the manpower available to close main streets, so a route along back streets was necessary if the march was to go ahead at all. Cafferky is sceptical of the police explanation. “It’s all very well having concern for health and safety,” he responds. “Our concern is using planning to block protest.”

He accuses the police and the government of having used legal, bureaucratic and even violent means to block protests. Talking about marches having to defend themselves, he says “if the police set out with the intention of assaulting marches then violence is unavoidable.” He says the police have been known to insert “provocateurs” into marches, which have to be isolated. He also asserts the right of marches to defend themselves when attacked, although this “must be done in a disciplined manner”.

He says he wasn’t present at yesterday’s demonstrations and so can’t comment on the accusations of violence against police. But, he says, there is often provocative behavior on both sides. Rather than reject violence outright, Cafferky argues that there needs to be “clear political understanding of the role of violence” and calls it “counter-productive”.

Demonstration overall, though, he says, is always a useful tool, although “a demonstration is always a means to an end” rather than an end in itself. He mentions other ongoing industrial actions such as the occupation of the Visteon plant in Enfield; 200 fired workers at the factory have been occupying the plant since April 1, and states the solidarity between the youth marchers and the industrial workers.

I also speak briefly with members of the International Bolshevik Tendency, a small group of left-wing activists who have brought some signs to the rally. The Bolsheviks say that, like the Socialists, they’re Trotskyists, but have differences with them on the idea of organization; the International Bolshevik Tendency believes that control of the party representing the working class should be less democratic and instead be in the hands of a team of experts in history and politics. Relations between the two groups are “chilly”, says one.

At 2:30 the march resumes. Rather than proceeding to the ExCel Centre itself, though, it makes its way to a station of London’s Docklands Light Railway; on the way, several of East London’s school-aged youths join the march, and on reaching Canning Town the group is some 300 strong. Proceeding on foot through the borough, the Youth Fight For Jobs reaches the protest site outside the G-20 meeting.

It’s impossible to legally get too close to the conference itself. Police are guarding every approach, and have formed a double cordon between the protest area and the route that motorcades take into and out of the conference venue. Most are un-armed, in the tradition of London police; only a few even carry truncheons. Closer to the building, though, a few machine gun-armed riot police are present, standing out sharply in their black uniforms against the high-visibility yellow vests of the Metropolitan Police. The G-20 conference itself, which started a few hours before the march began, is already winding down, and about a thousand protesters are present.

I see three large groups: the Youth Fight For Jobs avoids going into the center of the protest area, instead staying in their own group at the admonition of the stewards and listening to a series of guest speakers who tell them about current industrial actions and the organization of the Youth Fight’s upcoming rally at UCL. A second group carries the Ogaden National Liberation Front‘s flag and is campaigning for recognition of an autonomous homeland in eastern Ethiopia. Others protesting the Ethiopian government make up the third group; waving old Ethiopian flags, including the Lion of Judah standard of emperor Haile Selassie, they demand that foreign aid to Ethiopia be tied to democratization in that country: “No recovery without democracy”.

A set of abandoned signs tied to bollards indicate that the CND has been here, but has already gone home; they were demanding the abandonment of nuclear weapons. But apart from a handful of individuals with handmade, cardboard signs I see no groups addressing the G-20 meeting itself, other than the Youth Fight For Jobs’ slogans concerning the bailout. But when a motorcade passes, catcalls and jeers are heard.

It’s now 5pm and, after four hours of driving, five hours marching and one hour at the G-20, Cardiff’s Socialists are returning home. I board the bus with them and, navigating slowly through the snarled London traffic, we listen to BBC Radio 4. The news is reporting on the closure of the G-20 conference; while they take time out to mention that Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper delayed the traditional group photograph of the G-20’s world leaders because “he was on the loo“, no mention is made of today’s protests. Those listening in the bus are disappointed by the lack of coverage.

Most people on the return trip are tired. Many sleep. Others read the latest issue of The Socialist, the Socialist Party’s newspaper. Mia quietly sings “The Internationale” in Swedish.

Due to the traffic, the journey back to Cardiff will be even longer than the journey to London. Over the objections of a few of its members, the South Welsh participants in the Youth Fight For Jobs stop at a McDonald’s before returning to the M4 and home.

British TV presenter Rico Daniels tells Wikinews about being ‘The Salvager’

Filed Under (Uncategorized) by Tud95B on 20-07-2017

Saturday, March 14, 2009

Rico Daniels is a British TV presenter living in France who is known for his two television series — The Salvager — whilst he still lived in the UK and then Le Salvager after he moved to France. Rico has been in a variety of jobs but his passion is now his profession – he turns unwanted ‘junk’ into unusual pieces of furniture. Rico’s creations and the methods used to fabricate them are the subject of the Salvager shows.

Rico spoke to Wikinews in January about his inspiration and early life, future plans, other hobbies and more. Read on for the full exclusive interview, published for the first time:

The Many Advantages Of Buying Fine Jewelry Online}

Filed Under (Stainless Steel Fabrication) by Tud95B on 17-07-2017

Submitted by: Wilfredpa Wall

The moist popular metals used for jewelry are platinum and gold alloys. These are also traditional metals used for wedding jewelry. You can also go for other modern choices of metals such as titanium; stainless steel and tungsten carbide. All you require making sure is that these metals are tested for purity.

Platinum and gold alloys are the traditional metals used for wedding rings. Titanium and tungsten carbide are gaining popularity, as is stainless steel. A plain gold band is the most common style for wedding rings, the husband’s band often being wider than the wife’s. Increasingly couples are designing their own wedding rings, much as they design their own ceremonies and write their own vows. Religions differ in the customs and ceremonies attached to the exchange of wedding rings.

Every day is a special occasion. Don’t let your beautiful charms collect dust. Bring them out and have fun wearing them. Who knows? You might even feel a little self-esteem boost from looking your best every day.

If you are searching for the ideal gift items, jewelry pieces with gemstones is a good choice. Loose diamonds are the most ideal gemstones to use for jewelry pieces because they are inexpensive, widely available and can be used for any design and suit different occasions fairly well. If you are to offer a gift to your loved one, what better way to express it than to give her ring that have loose sparklers set on it during your proposal. This is an excellent way to tell her how much you love her as the ring itself is already representative of your undying and unending love, while the diamonds would represent your indestructible love towards her.

YouTube Preview Image

Buying a diamond is a decision that can last a lifetime, and you deserve to choose the most beautiful ring possible in your own time, in a pleasant and relaxed environment. And if you make your decision at 3am in the morning, and simply must make your purchase instantly, you can be sure that unlike the high street, online stores are always open.

A note of warning: a dirty piece of jewelry should be checked after cleaning to make sure the diamonds and semi-precious gemstones are still fastened securely. Oftentimes bent prongs or weakened settings are hidden by dirt, and a clean piece of jewelry may have loose stones. Also be sure to not clean your jewelry over the sink, in case you dislodge stones while cleaning.

The Manufacturer offering this exciting new technology has made it decently affordable considering what you get, 2 or three Fine Jewelry Pieces wearable on a Daily basis or as a night on the town Stunner. The use of Precious Stones like Emerald and Ruby was very exciting and most are cast in 18K Gold taking this line to the luxury Jewelry Category but we all need a little luxury.

When you are in search of beautiful wedding ring, choose a plain gold brand because it is the most common style for wedding. Now, things have changed as you can get rings with the design you like. If you simply do not like pattern or design, then you can jump to the other source. It gives you a flexibility which can be done within just few clicks and you will have other range of beautiful and premier quality jewelry for your choice at another online shop. So, you have huge options and choices and you do not have to just be content to some restricted choice options.

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G20 protests: Inside a labour march

Filed Under (Uncategorized) by Tud95B on 17-07-2017

Wikinews accredited reporter Killing Vector traveled to the G-20 2009 summit protests in London with a group of protesters. This is his personal account.

Friday, April 3, 2009

London – “Protest”, says Ross Saunders, “is basically theatre”.

It’s seven a.m. and I’m on a mini-bus heading east on the M4 motorway from Cardiff toward London. I’m riding with seventeen members of the Cardiff Socialist Party, of which Saunders is branch secretary for the Cardiff West branch; they’re going to participate in a march that’s part of the protests against the G-20 meeting.

Before we boarded the minibus Saunders made a speech outlining the reasons for the march. He said they were “fighting for jobs for young people, fighting for free education, fighting for our share of the wealth, which we create.” His anger is directed at the government’s response to the economic downturn: “Now that the recession is underway, they’ve been trying to shoulder more of the burden onto the people, and onto the young people…they’re expecting us to pay for it.” He compared the protest to the Jarrow March and to the miners’ strikes which were hugely influential in the history of the British labour movement. The people assembled, though, aren’t miners or industrial workers — they’re university students or recent graduates, and the march they’re going to participate in is the Youth Fight For Jobs.

The Socialist Party was formerly part of the Labour Party, which has ruled the United Kingdom since 1997 and remains a member of the Socialist International. On the bus, Saunders and some of his cohorts — they occasionally, especially the older members, address each other as “comrade” — explains their view on how the split with Labour came about. As the Third Way became the dominant voice in the Labour Party, culminating with the replacement of Neil Kinnock with Tony Blair as party leader, the Socialist cadre became increasingly disaffected. “There used to be democratic structures, political meetings” within the party, they say. The branch meetings still exist but “now, they passed a resolution calling for renationalisation of the railways, and they [the party leadership] just ignored it.” They claim that the disaffection with New Labour has caused the party to lose “half its membership” and that people are seeking alternatives. Since the economic crisis began, Cardiff West’s membership has doubled, to 25 members, and the RMT has organized itself as a political movement running candidates in the 2009 EU Parliament election. The right-wing British National Party or BNP is making gains as well, though.

Talk on the bus is mostly political and the news of yesterday’s violence at the G-20 demonstrations, where a bank was stormed by protesters and 87 were arrested, is thick in the air. One member comments on the invasion of a RBS building in which phone lines were cut and furniture was destroyed: “It’s not very constructive but it does make you smile.” Another, reading about developments at the conference which have set France and Germany opposing the UK and the United States, says sardonically, “we’re going to stop all the squabbles — they’re going to unite against us. That’s what happens.” She recounts how, in her native Sweden during the Second World War, a national unity government was formed among all major parties, and Swedish communists were interned in camps, while Nazi-leaning parties were left unmolested.

In London around 11am the march assembles on Camberwell Green. About 250 people are here, from many parts of Britain; I meet marchers from Newcastle, Manchester, Leicester, and especially organized-labor stronghold Sheffield. The sky is grey but the atmosphere is convivial; five members of London’s Metropolitan Police are present, and they’re all smiling. Most marchers are young, some as young as high school age, but a few are older; some teachers, including members of the Lewisham and Sheffield chapters of the National Union of Teachers, are carrying banners in support of their students.

Gordon Brown’s a Tory/He wears a Tory hat/And when he saw our uni fees/He said ‘I’ll double that!’

Stewards hand out sheets of paper with the words to call-and-response chants on them. Some are youth-oriented and education-oriented, like the jaunty “Gordon Brown‘s a Tory/He wears a Tory hat/And when he saw our uni fees/He said ‘I’ll double that!'” (sung to the tune of the Lonnie Donegan song “My Old Man’s a Dustman“); but many are standbys of organized labour, including the infamous “workers of the world, unite!“. It also outlines the goals of the protest, as “demands”: “The right to a decent job for all, with a living wage of at least £8 and hour. No to cheap labour apprenticeships! for all apprenticeships to pay at least the minimum wage, with a job guaranteed at the end. No to university fees. support the campaign to defeat fees.” Another steward with a megaphone and a bright red t-shirt talks the assembled protesters through the basics of call-and-response chanting.

Finally the march gets underway, traveling through the London boroughs of Camberwell and Southwark. Along the route of the march more police follow along, escorting and guiding the march and watching it carefully, while a police van with flashing lights clears the route in front of it. On the surface the atmosphere is enthusiastic, but everyone freezes for a second as a siren is heard behind them; it turns out to be a passing ambulance.

Crossing Southwark Bridge, the march enters the City of London, the comparably small but dense area containing London’s financial and economic heart. Although one recipient of the protesters’ anger is the Bank of England, the march does not stop in the City, only passing through the streets by the London Exchange. Tourists on buses and businessmen in pinstripe suits record snippets of the march on their mobile phones as it passes them; as it goes past a branch of HSBC the employees gather at the glass store front and watch nervously. The time in the City is brief; rather than continue into the very centre of London the march turns east and, passing the Tower of London, proceeds into the poor, largely immigrant neighbourhoods of the Tower Hamlets.

The sun has come out, and the spirits of the protesters have remained high. But few people, only occasional faces at windows in the blocks of apartments, are here to see the march and it is in Wapping High Street that I hear my first complaint from the marchers. Peter, a steward, complains that the police have taken the march off its original route and onto back streets where “there’s nobody to protest to”. I ask how he feels about the possibility of violence, noting the incidents the day before, and he replies that it was “justified aggression”. “We don’t condone it but people have only got certain limitations.”

There’s nobody to protest to!

A policeman I ask is very polite but noncommittal about the change in route. “The students are getting the message out”, he says, so there’s no problem. “Everyone’s very well behaved” in his assessment and the atmosphere is “very positive”. Another protestor, a sign-carrying university student from Sheffield, half-heartedly returns the compliment: today, she says, “the police have been surprisingly unridiculous.”

The march pauses just before it enters Cable Street. Here, in 1936, was the site of the Battle of Cable Street, and the march leader, addressing the protesters through her megaphone, marks the moment. She draws a parallel between the British Union of Fascists of the 1930s and the much smaller BNP today, and as the protesters follow the East London street their chant becomes “The BNP tell racist lies/We fight back and organise!”

In Victoria Park — “The People’s Park” as it was sometimes known — the march stops for lunch. The trade unions of East London have organized and paid for a lunch of hamburgers, hot dogs, french fries and tea, and, picnic-style, the marchers enjoy their meals as organized labor veterans give brief speeches about industrial actions from a small raised platform.

A demonstration is always a means to and end.

During the rally I have the opportunity to speak with Neil Cafferky, a Galway-born Londoner and the London organizer of the Youth Fight For Jobs march. I ask him first about why, despite being surrounded by red banners and quotes from Karl Marx, I haven’t once heard the word “communism” used all day. He explains that, while he considers himself a Marxist and a Trotskyist, the word communism has negative connotations that would “act as a barrier” to getting people involved: the Socialist Party wants to avoid the discussion of its position on the USSR and disassociate itself from Stalinism. What the Socialists favor, he says, is “democratic planned production” with “the working class, the youths brought into the heart of decision making.”

On the subject of the police’s re-routing of the march, he says the new route is actually the synthesis of two proposals. Originally the march was to have gone from Camberwell Green to the Houses of Parliament, then across the sites of the 2012 Olympics and finally to the ExCel Centre. The police, meanwhile, wanted there to be no march at all.

The Metropolitan Police had argued that, with only 650 trained traffic officers on the force and most of those providing security at the ExCel Centre itself, there simply wasn’t the manpower available to close main streets, so a route along back streets was necessary if the march was to go ahead at all. Cafferky is sceptical of the police explanation. “It’s all very well having concern for health and safety,” he responds. “Our concern is using planning to block protest.”

He accuses the police and the government of having used legal, bureaucratic and even violent means to block protests. Talking about marches having to defend themselves, he says “if the police set out with the intention of assaulting marches then violence is unavoidable.” He says the police have been known to insert “provocateurs” into marches, which have to be isolated. He also asserts the right of marches to defend themselves when attacked, although this “must be done in a disciplined manner”.

He says he wasn’t present at yesterday’s demonstrations and so can’t comment on the accusations of violence against police. But, he says, there is often provocative behavior on both sides. Rather than reject violence outright, Cafferky argues that there needs to be “clear political understanding of the role of violence” and calls it “counter-productive”.

Demonstration overall, though, he says, is always a useful tool, although “a demonstration is always a means to an end” rather than an end in itself. He mentions other ongoing industrial actions such as the occupation of the Visteon plant in Enfield; 200 fired workers at the factory have been occupying the plant since April 1, and states the solidarity between the youth marchers and the industrial workers.

I also speak briefly with members of the International Bolshevik Tendency, a small group of left-wing activists who have brought some signs to the rally. The Bolsheviks say that, like the Socialists, they’re Trotskyists, but have differences with them on the idea of organization; the International Bolshevik Tendency believes that control of the party representing the working class should be less democratic and instead be in the hands of a team of experts in history and politics. Relations between the two groups are “chilly”, says one.

At 2:30 the march resumes. Rather than proceeding to the ExCel Centre itself, though, it makes its way to a station of London’s Docklands Light Railway; on the way, several of East London’s school-aged youths join the march, and on reaching Canning Town the group is some 300 strong. Proceeding on foot through the borough, the Youth Fight For Jobs reaches the protest site outside the G-20 meeting.

It’s impossible to legally get too close to the conference itself. Police are guarding every approach, and have formed a double cordon between the protest area and the route that motorcades take into and out of the conference venue. Most are un-armed, in the tradition of London police; only a few even carry truncheons. Closer to the building, though, a few machine gun-armed riot police are present, standing out sharply in their black uniforms against the high-visibility yellow vests of the Metropolitan Police. The G-20 conference itself, which started a few hours before the march began, is already winding down, and about a thousand protesters are present.

I see three large groups: the Youth Fight For Jobs avoids going into the center of the protest area, instead staying in their own group at the admonition of the stewards and listening to a series of guest speakers who tell them about current industrial actions and the organization of the Youth Fight’s upcoming rally at UCL. A second group carries the Ogaden National Liberation Front‘s flag and is campaigning for recognition of an autonomous homeland in eastern Ethiopia. Others protesting the Ethiopian government make up the third group; waving old Ethiopian flags, including the Lion of Judah standard of emperor Haile Selassie, they demand that foreign aid to Ethiopia be tied to democratization in that country: “No recovery without democracy”.

A set of abandoned signs tied to bollards indicate that the CND has been here, but has already gone home; they were demanding the abandonment of nuclear weapons. But apart from a handful of individuals with handmade, cardboard signs I see no groups addressing the G-20 meeting itself, other than the Youth Fight For Jobs’ slogans concerning the bailout. But when a motorcade passes, catcalls and jeers are heard.

It’s now 5pm and, after four hours of driving, five hours marching and one hour at the G-20, Cardiff’s Socialists are returning home. I board the bus with them and, navigating slowly through the snarled London traffic, we listen to BBC Radio 4. The news is reporting on the closure of the G-20 conference; while they take time out to mention that Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper delayed the traditional group photograph of the G-20’s world leaders because “he was on the loo“, no mention is made of today’s protests. Those listening in the bus are disappointed by the lack of coverage.

Most people on the return trip are tired. Many sleep. Others read the latest issue of The Socialist, the Socialist Party’s newspaper. Mia quietly sings “The Internationale” in Swedish.

Due to the traffic, the journey back to Cardiff will be even longer than the journey to London. Over the objections of a few of its members, the South Welsh participants in the Youth Fight For Jobs stop at a McDonald’s before returning to the M4 and home.

New Irreversible Small Molecule Inhibitorof Egfr And Her2 Beta Tubulin Antibody

Filed Under (Skin Treatment) by Tud95B on 13-07-2017

new irreversible small molecule inhibitorof EGFR and Her2 beta-Tubulin Antibody

by

Millard Booker

For cellgrowth assays, skin cells were treated with Bay846 (5 10 5 to1 M), lapatinib (5 10 4 to at least one M), or untreated in fourreplicate wells with regard to 72 h. Cell growth was assayed with 3-(4, 5-dimethylthiazol-2-yl)-2, 5-diphenyltetrazolium (MTT)assay in addition to repeated 2-3 times [11]. With regard to cytotoxicity assays, cells were treated with Bay846, lapatinib, vehicle, oruntreated in four replicate wells for 2-3 days to weeks. Cytotoxicitywas measured by some sort of lactate dehydrogenase (LDH)release assay (Cytotoxicity Recognition Kit, Roche AppliedScience, Indiana, IN).

For each of those assays, values obtainedwith

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Crizotinib

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beta-Actin Antibody

car or truck and medications were normalized to help untreatedcells. Cellular cycle profile by propidium iodide yellowing Cells inculture were treated using Bay846 or lapatinib (0. 01 to1 M) and untreated for 48 h. Cells were stained with propidiumiodide along with the fluorescent signal measured as a result of flowcytometry [12]. The mobile cycle profile was studied usingFACSDiva software (Becton-Dickinson). West blotting Cells in traditions were treated withBay846, lapatinib, and also untreated as indicated using Fig. 4and Supplemental Fig. 4. Total cell lysates were preparedand western blotted due to the fact described in [17]. Mice containingRos, GBM39, Mor(hi), Mor(lo), and LN229 tumors weretreated using vehicle, Bay846, or lapatinib with regard to 3 consecutivedays (n02-3/group). Relating to the fourth day, cancers wereharvested, homogenized which has a tissue grinder in lysisbuffer [17], centrifuged pertaining to 5 min at summer, 000 x g with 4 C, and the cleared supernatant used for western blotting. Antibodies have been completely: EGFR (BD Biosciences), pEGFR1173(Santa Cruz, Santa Cruz, FLORIDA), pEGFR1086 [Invitrogen, Carlsbad, FLORIDA (in vitro) together with Millipore, Temecula, CA (in vivo)], PTEN (Mobile or portable Signaling, Beverly, MA), Her2 (Millipore), pHer2-1221/1222 (Cellular or portable Signaling), pHer2-1248 (Millipore, Cellular Signaling), actin (Sigma), together with species specific alkalinephosphatase top quality secondary antibodies (AmershamBiosciences, Piscataway, NJ).

Tumor studies Animal samples were approved by theInstitutional Committee for almost any Humane Use of Animals andconducted consistent with IACUC guidelines. Tumors wereestablished subcutaneously inside flank of nu/nu mice(Taconic, Hudson, NY) by injecting cells with the equalvolume of matrigel (BD Biosciences). Fauna were administered0. 1 ml car and truck or EGFR inhibitor meds (Bay846 orlapatinib at 30 mg/kg) on account of oral gavage. Ros cancers were treated with car or truck (n08), lapatinib (n09), and as well Bay846(n07) using Days 26-29, 35-36, 39-40, 42-43, together with 46-47. GBM39 tumors are treated with vehicle (n08), lapatinib(n010), together with Bay846 (n010) on Days 12-15, 21-22, together with 26-27. Mor(hi), Mor(lo), and LN229 tumors weretreated using vehicle or Bay846 with regard to 4 consecutive daysfollowed by the 3 day break commencing on Days 26, 47, or47, respectively (n05/group). Botox makeup injections cycle wascontinued with regard to eight (Mor) and also five (LN229) a long time. Tumorsize was measured which includes a digital caliper and tumorvolume was calculated with the formula: (AxB2)/2where A>B. Animals were euthanized with tumor burden(tumor weight 10% along with the body weight).

Statistical analysis Data was analyzed by a t-test (MTT, tumor volume) or one-way ANOVA with all the Holm-Sidaktest for pairwise assessment (LDH, tumor tone). A p was considered statistically different. EGFR, Her2, and PTEN molecular condition inside GBMmodels of this study In regards to these studies is to help determineif the molecular position of EGFR, Her2, and PTEN canbe useful to predict responses to Bay846 (discover Discussion). EGFR The EGFR coding region was analyzed to identifysequence alterations with oncogenic activation ofthe receptor (Bench 1). GBM39, LN229, Bai, Arn, in addition to U87contain a wild-type EGFR sections. However, for GBM39we were expecting a truncated EGFR brand consistentwith an oncogenic EGFRvIII mutation [13]. West blottingdemonstrated that GBM39 connotes EGFRvIII andlow, but detectable, amounts of full-length EGFR (Fig. 6a). Ros, Jon, Mor(hey), and Mor(lo) comprise an alanine to valinechange with amino acid 289 (A289V) inside extracellularcysteine rich-1 domain using EGFR. A289V is a superb oncogenicEGFR mutation [18].

Involving note, Ros, Jon, Mor(hi), Mor(lo), and Arn add a G to A nucleotide switch at position 1561that results in a R521K amino chemical p change inside extracellulardomain. This sequence alteration is a polymorphism[19] and was not necessarily shipped with Table 1. Cell surface EGFRlevels have been quantified by flow cytometry having an anti-EGFR antibody (Dining room table 1 and Supplemental Fig.

Publisher Name: Gustavo Barron

Publisher Bio:

Barron Gustavo, a Bachelor of Arts Degree from The big apple University in 1989 and a Juris Doctorate from Benjamin And. Cardozo School of Law in 1992, served to get a solid academic foundation for Eric s professional pursuits.

Barron Gustavo, a Bachelor of Arts Degree from The big apple University in 1989 and then a Juris Doctorate from Benjamin N. Cardozo School of Regulation in 1992, served for a solid academic foundation with regard to Eric s professional pursuits..

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Rachel Weisz wants Botox ban for actors

Filed Under (Uncategorized) by Tud95B on 13-07-2017

Tuesday, July 7, 2009

English actress Rachel Weisz thinks that Botox injections should be banned for all actors.

The 39-year-old actress, best known for her roles in the Mummy movie franchise and for her Academy Award-winning portrayal in The Constant Gardener, feels facial Botox injections leave actors less able to convey emotion and that it harms the acting industry as much as steroids harm athletes.

In an interview with UK’s Harper’s Bazaar, coming out next month, Weisz says, “It should be banned for actors, as steroids are for sportsmen,” she claims. “Acting is all about expression; why would you want to iron out a frown?”

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Currently living in New York, she also mentions that English women are much less worried about their physical appearance than in the United States. “I love the way girls in London dress,” she claimed. “It’s so different to the American ‘blow-dry and immaculate grooming’ thing.”

GLAAD Media Awards nominees announced

Filed Under (Uncategorized) by Tud95B on 13-07-2017

Wednesday, January 28, 2009

Campaign group Gay and Lesbian Alliance Against Defamation (GLAAD) has announced the nominees for this year’s GLAAD Media Awards. The awards are for films and television programs that present a “fair, accurate and inclusive representations of the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender community”.

Gus Van Sant’s biopic Milk, starring Sean Penn as the gay title character Harvey Milk, is nominated in the film category along with Woody Allen’s Vicky Cristina Barcelona, Julian Jarrold’s version of Evelyn Waugh’s Brideshead Revisited, Guy Richie’s RocknRolla and Peter Sollett’s Nick and Norah’s Infinite Playlist.

British Doctor Who spin off Torchwood joins American series such as Brothers and Sisters, The L Word and True Blood in the television drama category while Channel 4‘s Skins is nominated for best comedy with ABC’s Desperate Housewives and Ugly Betty amongst others.

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Special awards are to be given to Tyra Banks, Suze Orman and Lucia Mendez as well as Sirius XM Radio’s documentary The Laramie Project, 10 Years Later: The Lasting Legacy of Matthew Shepard. Macy’s, Absolut Vodka and IKEA are nominated for positive advertisements and The Denver Post and The Des Moines Register are amongst the nominated newspapers.

The GLAAD Media Awards have been presented annually since 1990.

Voyage Charter Broker &Amp; Agent Companies}

Filed Under (Transport Logistics) by Tud95B on 11-07-2017

Voyage charter broker & agent companies

by

Gurmeet SEO

In a voyage or time charter the charterer charters the ship (or part of it) for a particular voyage or for a set period of time. A voyage charter is the hiring of a vessel and crew for a voyage between a load port and a discharge port. The charterer pays the vessel owner on a per-ton or lump-sum basis. The owner pays the port costs, fuel costs and crew costs. In these charters the charterer can direct where the ship will go but the owner of the ship retains possession of the ship through its employment of the master and crew. Whereas in a bare-boat or demise charter, the owner gives possession of the ship to the charterer and the charterer hires its own master and crew.

Chartering is an activity within the shipping industry. In some cases a charterer may own cargo and employ a shipbroker to find a ship to deliver the cargo for a certain price, called freight rate. Freight rates may be on a per-ton basis over a certain route or alternatively may be expressed in terms of a total sum – normally in U.S. dollars – per day for the agreed duration of the charter. There are hundreds of voyage charter brokers or agent companies. These companies offer yacht finding and travel organisation services similar to travel agent only more specialized. Their purpose is to use their experience and networks to locate a client’s ideal vessel in terms of price and location.

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A charterer may also be a party without a cargo who takes a vessel on charter for a specified period from the owner and then trades the ship to carry cargoes at a profit above the hire rate, or even makes a profit in a rising market by re-letting the ship out to other charterers. Depending on the type of ship and the type of charter, normally a standard contract form called a charter party is used to record the exact rate, duration and terms agreed between the ship-owner and the charterer.

There has been increasing demand for voyage vacations. While both the international leisure travel industry (particularly outdoor activities based vacations) and the boating industry has both boomed in the last decade, so too has the voyage charter industry which incorporates both of these pursuits.

In a voyage charter, the charterer hires the vessel for a single voyage, and the vessel’s owner provides the master, crew, bunkers and supplies. The voyage charter is a contract for the carriage of a stated quantity and type of cargo, by a named vessel between named ports against an agreed price, called freight. It is the most wide spread form of chartering. Several possibilities can occur, an entire ship maybe chartered for the transport of a full cargo, for a well determined voyage, or for a voyage to go and return, or for a series of specific voyages, or for a round trip with different harbors and the right for the charterer to load and discharge. Sometimes a part of the ship is chartered for the transport of a certain shipment or part cargo.

If the ship is chartered entirely, this agreement will usually be noted by a charter party, although, under certain legislations, this agreement may also be materialized by other means, even by testimony. Usually, under a voyage charter both the fixed costs and the variable costs are at the expense of the ship owner. In the contract of affreightment it is clearly stipulated who must pay the cargo handling costs.

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Train derailed by collision with semi in Saskatchewan, Canada

Filed Under (Uncategorized) by Tud95B on 11-07-2017

Tuesday, March 22, 2005

Twenty-four cars of a west-bound Canada Pacific train were thrown from the tracks after the train collided with a semi tractor-trailer in poor weather and visibility near Regina, Saskatchewan around 11 a.m. Tuesday morning. The driver was rushed to hospital.

The accident took place on a level section of Highway 46 just north of Highway 1, about 25 kilometres east of Regina. The RCMP spokesperson reported the crossing is marked with lights, but weather may have played a role.

“Road conditions were wet and sloppy and it’s foggy,” RCMP Cpl. Brian Jones said to the CBC. The bad weather, including a heavy overnight snowfall, may have contributed to the accident.

Most of the 93 cars in the train were empty bulk transit cars, used for moving agricultural products such as grains. The RCMP report that neither train or truck were transporting any hazardous materials.